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Solf workshop (ScanDiaSyn 2006 Grand Meeting)
Icelandic V-to-I movement reconsidered
Anna-Lena Wiklund, Þorbjörg Hróarsdóttir, Gunnar Hrafn Hrafnbjargarson & Kristine Bentzen, Universitetet i Tromsø
(Pdf-version here)
Icelandic is standardly assumed to have independent verb movement to
the IP domain (V-to-I movement) in so-called non-V2 contexts, such as
relative clauses and embedded whquestions. In this paper we present
some new data which question the empirical part of the standard
assumption. Angantýsson (2001) has shown that verb movement past
adverbs and negation is in fact optional, rather than obligatory, in
non-V2 contexts (from Angantýsson 2001):
(1) Ég veit [hvaða mynd Jón {hefur} ekki {hefur} séð].
I know which
film Jón has
not has seen
‘I know which film Jón has not seen.’
The data suggest that verb movement in Icelandic interacts with the CP
domain of the clause. In some varieties, verb movement is obligatory in
the presence of að, see (2).
Taking this interaction seriously, we put forth the hypothesis that
verb movement, when it occurs, always targets the CP domain of the
clause, rather than the IP domain. The hypothesis is supported by the
following empirical facts. (i) When the verb moves, it obligatorily
crosses all adverbs, as well as negation. The verb can therefore not
intervene between these, see (3). This indicates that there are no
intermediate projections in the IP domain that are potential landing
sites for the verb. (ii) The verb follows all adverbs in ECM
infinitives, which are standardly assumed to lack a CP domain, see (4).
This fact is unexpected on V-to-I analyses of verb movement in
Icelandic but is captured on our hypothesis that the relevant verb
movement always targets the CP domain of the clause.
(2) Hann spurði hvort að hún {hafi} alltaf {*hafi} sungið í sturtunni.
he asked whether that she had always had sung in shower.the
‘He asked whether she always had sung in the shower.’
(3) Hann spurði hvort hún {hafi} ekki {*hafi} sennilega {*hafi} oft {hafi} sungið
he asked whether she
had not had
probably had often had sung
í
sturtunni.
in shower.the
‘He asked whether she had not probably often sung in the shower.’
(4) Hann taldi hana
{*syngja} alltaf {syngja} í sturtunni.
he believed her sing always sing in shower.the
‘He believed her to always be singing in the shower.’
We propose a remnant movement account of verb movement in Icelandic,
where non-V2 contexts involve movement of a remnant vP containing the
subject and the verb to the CP domain. The remnant vP targets either of
two positions, Spec,FinP or Spec,TopP.
References
Angantýsson, Ásgrímur. 2001. Skandinavísk orðaröð í íslenskum aukasetningum. Íslenskt mál 23: 95–122.
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